Without some sort of concrete time frame to show genuine Canadian connection, I believe it will just create a class of Canadian citizens that have and may still exist,
Canadians of Convenience. Don't forget about the event and the aftermath (cost, public outrage) that caused the government to take the generational limit approach. There have been multiple threads here of people stating that they intend to leave Canada and go back to their home country or go to the US after getting their citizenship, so the scenario is not so absurd.
I think that substantial connection to be shown should be just that: "substantial". A contribution to Canada should be shown, from simply paying your taxes, or going above and beyond by serving as a Crown servant. Going to a Canadian school, receiving childcare benefits, visiting for month for 36 years (which I would benefit from) or otherwise leeching off of the system for three years should not count as a substantial connection.
In the grand scheme of things, no solution is perfect; there will always be dissenters who will claim that the solution is discriminatory to them and that it is a Charter violation.
I think this can be boiled down to a very simple test on whether it is discriminatory or not, and attempts to wave it away by saying it's complicated, everything is a little bit discriminatory, etc, are a weak sauce indeed. Note, I'm starting by accepting the concept that there is some need to maintain some substantial connection criteria or avoid/limit "Canadians of convenience" - and as a practical matter, that some deference is needed to ease of decision making / limiting administrative burden (costs). We might disagree on specific policies, but I'm not calling for removal of all generational limits or refusing any consideration of limiting 'citizenship of convenience.
In the most simple terms, I think the problem is this: this proposed three-in-last-five requirement applies exclusively to second generation Canadians, regardless of the extent of their actual connections to Canada; there is nothing they can actually do - short of renouncing their citizenship and re-applying anew ('re-naturalizing') - without being subjected to (effectively) the same residency test (three-in-five) that new citizens are required to meet. This is truly second-class citizenship, and applied only to one group, based on illogical criteria - again, no amount of 'connection to Canada' can 'cure' this defect - short of effectively being required to reside in Canada (let's face it, three-in0-last-five is basically a requirement to live in Canada
now).
It's patently discriminatory, given that other classes of citizen (natural born and naturalized) are not required to meet
any test of connection to Canada - whatsoever. Born in Canada and leave the next day: pass on citizenship. Naturalize and leave the next day (after receiving your oath, that is, ignoring for now that one can submit one's citizenship application, leave, and return only for the oath). Neither of these classes of citizenship need to meet any test such as you proposed, like paying taxes, going above and beyond, nothing. (Leaving aside the points that you've identified as 'leeching', a phrasing I think the courts would frown upon).
This can't be waved away by simply saying 'no scheme is perfect'; it's closer to punitive, for something the second-gen citizen had no control over (being abroad) - it comes close to attaintment.
If you / the government / whoever thinks the issue (citizenship of convenience and related) so serious that it must be addressed, then propose and implement one that addresses those 'citizens of convenience' who severed any ties to Canada at some point,
including after being born in Canada or naturalizing. If one thinks the requirements for naturalization need to include much longer residence - fine, then propose that; or include an ongoing residence requirement to naturalized citizens in order to pass on citizenship - fine, propose that. If we think the problem is 'birthright tourism' (a misnomer in the Canadian context in that it's not a constitutional or charter right, and can be changed by law), then the government should change the legislation around that - and not fiddle about on the margins with what happens to the
children of these citizens twenty years or more down the road. And in each case, bear the political costs of doing so.
Otherwise it's just going after second-gen citizens alone and exclusively, because it's convenient - convenient because imposing any such tests or serious restrictions on natural-born or naturalized citizens are beyond the political fortitude of the government of the day. And that is precisely where the courts have a role: is evaluating such policies against basics of fairness (as expressed in the Charter) and seeing whether some groups are being singled out for different treatment because its 'convenient' politically. This is what the courts are for.
Now note, I don't think having some restrictions for second-gen citizens is unreasonable, nor that it's impossible to have some such restrictions not applied to the other two classes of citizens - if a reasonable case can be made that they'd be administratively burdensome and not contribute much to achieving the policy goals. I think the charter does allow for such trade-offs.
But this three-in-last-five
jive does not meet any reasonable fairness test without also applying to the other two classes of citizen - and it's not just an administrative burden issue, but outright singling the other class out.
[Side note as
@Seym contributed while I was writing: if it is in fact only a requirement for three consecutive years, I have no principled objection to that. It's three in LAST five that I think is punitive, amounting to a full-on residency requirement akin to qualifying for citizenship anew.]
And they will be right because the Charter is so simply worded that it can be interpreted in multiple ways. Judicial tests will help narrow it down, and only the Federal Supreme Court will have the final say. Unfortunately, this case did not go to the federal court, so no one will know how it would have turned out. If the US legislation regarding age-based residency and citizenship by descent were to be integrated into C-71 and then it was tested against the Charter, it too would probably be found in violation for the same reasons.
I think that falls into the rhetorical trap of criticizing the Charter out of context because it is worded broadly, and not paying attention to the jurisprudence. My layman's comment on it is that I think the Charter itself and the jurisprudence (decisions of the court) allows for considerable deference being given to cost and administrative burden being weighed against the policy goals/benefits. This doesn't mean I think all Charter cases were decided correctly or acc to my opinions, of course - but neither it is true that the Charter can be used to justify anything. (I admit you didn't say that exactly, mind - it's a general comment)
That is, 'reasonableness' is indeed considered by the courts, and there's no absolute birthright or other right to citizenship explicitly laid out in the Charter (I think?).
A government can change the law on citizenship to cover the other two classes of citizen or even limit them - but they're afraid to. A wag might say that the previous policy was implemented because the government felt it had to be 'mean' to someone, and just chose an easy target, instead of addressing the issue.
We're going to have to agree to disagree here.
Yes.
Thanks for the references you provided, I will take a look at them.