dpenabill said:
In regards to the former measure, the risk criteria, we do not know, and for the foreseeable future we will not know to what extent the criteria flags real risk, or to what extent it is appropriate (not based on religion for example).
For me this is more of a semantics argument. IRCC has always had risk criteria and as far as I know they have never fully made that public. Thats why certian applicant profiles simply often have a lot longer processing time than others. I don't think it makes much difference whether a human is applying those, instead or a spreadsheet.
Decision-making standards not special to AI/AA:
What criteria IRCC employs to distinguish applicants and their applications, and distinguish in a way that discriminates (as in has a detrimental impact on those distinguished), is not semantics, not at all. It is real and it makes a difference.
What is semantic, or worse, disingenuous, is framing the issue in terms of what would constitute disclosure that "
fully" makes risk oriented screening elements public, rather than how the lawyers whose podcasts I have referenced and linked frame the issue, and what I think is amply evident in how I address this, which is about
REASONABLE disclosure, particularly as to information that influences outcome decisions that is not provided in the decision-maker's explanation of reasons for the decision (which thus avoids review, administrative or judicial review).
Independent oversight and judicial review are the primary ways in which a just and fair society (which it seems to me is what Canada aspires to be, doing a fair job getting there, which is a big part of why I am here, glad to be here, and not where I was born) insure the fairness of how government agencies make decisions that have a real impact on people's lives. The Supreme Court of Canada has repeatedly, with much emphasis, and in extraordinary detail (see cases like the oft cited
Vavilov decision) addressed the extent to which administrative decisions must be subject to review, and the requirements of procedural fairness in particular. Sure, this gets
weedy (short for recognizing it involves some not easily navigated concepts, some unwieldy terminology, more than a few slippery linguistic slopes, along with more technical jurisprudence, notorious legalese, than most people have the patience or attention span to wrestle with), but that is NOT semantics.
It is not difficult to identify some historically all too common but (at least now, for now) unquestionably inappropriate criteria, like race, religion, sexual orientation, among others. If these criteria influenced which sponsorship applicants got fast track approval, and who did not, that would undoubtedly be unfair, unreasonable, and a violation of the Charter. And if that grouping had an impact on the outcome, far more egregiously so.
Make no mistake, some criteria is entirely legitimate, makes good sense, and reputable lawyers (and many others, those who are not a Canadian lawyer, me too) not only accept but support, applaud even, appropriate and reasonable screening, including elevated scrutiny and investigation, including adverse inferences. It is entirely legitimate, and desirable, to employ screening tools that better identify those who engage in fraud, who are perpetrating criminal enterprises, who pose security risks to Canadians . . . and, very importantly, those who simply do not qualify.
The difference is not semantic. Some criteria is fair. Some is not. Some criteria is rationally related to this or that real risk. But one does not need to dive too deeply into judicial decisions or government records to find scores of instances in which reasons for decisions have NOT been justifiable, or transparent, or intelligible.
Identifying which is which,
therein lies the rub (so some say the bard says) . . . and who gets to do the identifying matters.
That is, what assurances are there that the reasons influencing decisions having an impact on people's lives are reasonable, rationally related to legitimate issues? versus arbitrary, capricious, or simply not much relevant?
Illustration:
Was full blown RQ issued to citizenship applicants who submitted identification issued within the previous ninety days (briefly an actual part of citizenship application triage criteria adopted by Harper's government in 2012, secretly adopted but leaked) reasonable, rational, when it resulted in a burdensome and lengthy process which at the time took around two years, compared to routine applications (like mine) going from submission to oath in six to eight months? By the way, this criteria, along with others that were grossly disproportionate to what was actually probative, like any period of unemployment resulting in full blown RQ, did not last long (less than a year) for good reason, but tens of thousands of citizenship applicants suffered for it before changes were made.
"
Trust us" does not cut it. A fair and just society demands more verification than that.
By the way . . . NO, it is not true that risk criteria has historically never been publicly accessible, not even close.
There was a major migration removing risk factors or criteria from public view during the period of time that Stephen Harper had a majority government (2011 to 2015). Among the more salient examples was replacing the publicly available operational manual CP 5 Residence, regarding assessment of residency for citizenship eligibility, which explicitly described "
reasons to question residency." That was replaced by Operational Bulletin 407, much of which was redacted (as in kept secret) including the contents of the File Requirements Checklist, which in turn prescribed the "
triage criteria" which would render an application for citizenship a "
residency case" subject to full blown RQ (note that there was a widely distributed leaked copy of the FRC). That criteria (I mentioned some above) was so grotesquely disproportionate to actual risks that it was dramatically revised in well less than a year . . . but not because it was imposing an inordinately excessive burden on a large number of qualified applicants (that sort of thing never seemed to bother the Harper government), not because judicial review pushed back, but because it swept up so many applicants, for no good reason, the cost was more than the government would bear. That should not be the standard.