crimesinister said:
I have spent the past few months dedicating myself to defeating Harper. Now that the Tories are gone, I've been thinking about restarting my legal challenge against Bill C-24. However, I'm in communication with the Liberals, and they've clearly indicated that repealing Bill C-24 is a "high priority". They haven't exactly given me timeline.
Meanwhile, my lawyers and I are also keeping an eye out for the outcome of Rocco Galati's appeal of Bill C-24, which will be heard in January. Mr. Galati is also waiting to hear from the Liberals as to whether they'd repeal the bill or not before proceeding.
http://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/liberals-left-to-deal-with-constitutional-challenges-to-conservative-laws-1.2630398?hootPostID=cd2d5e3f2cf4a965ae5f777a0ef80837
dpenabill said:
While perhaps the OP has some direct interaction with someone connected to the Liberal Party who has indicated a plan to repeal Bill C-24 in its entirety, I believe this claim is simply not true, at least not relative to anyone at a decision-making level in the Liberal Party.
To be clear, this is about this part:
"However, I'm in communication with the Liberals, and they've clearly indicated that repealing Bill C-24 is a "high priority". They haven't exactly given me timeline.
And trust me, I am telling the truth when I state "I do not believe this claim." While I cannot say for sure it is false, it is nonetheless accurate to state "I do not
believe it is true," enough so to state it explicitly, again at least not "relative to anyone at a decision-making level in the Liberal Party."
Again, the Liberal Party platform is public information easily accessible on the internet, and has been cited and linked in this forum multiple times.
What is misleading is to so much as hint that sometime soon the Liberal Party is likely to roll back the provisions specifying the new requirements for naturalization. As I already noted, in respect to the naturalization requirements the only specific provision the Liberals committed to roll back was the elimination of credit for time in Canada with temporary status. To suggest more is a
Liberal "high priority" is inaccurate.
And it is not clear that restoring the temporary time credit is a priority.
The only clear Liberal priority related to Bill C-24 is to repeal the provisions creating "two-tiered citizenship." That, much like the Galati litigation, is only about a small part of Bill C-24 . . . Section 8 in Bill C-24 to be precise. The complete text of Section 8 in Bill C-24 can be found in
the Strengthening Canadian Citizen Act (this is link to version granted Royal Assent).
Leading to this:
crimesinister said:
Here's the
court record A-52-15:
Party NameSolicitorLawyer(s) / file no
GALATI, ROCCO Rocco Galati Law Firm Slansky, Paul
JOHSON, DAVID (RIGHT HONOURABLE GOVERNER GENERAL) - -
Related Cases
T-1476-14 ROCCO GALATI, ET AL v. HIS EXCELLENCY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GOVERNOR GENERAL S. 18.1 Application for Judicial Review
No, that is not the court record. It is an
index entry reflecting name and filing number, including certain identifying information such as the court, nature of proceedings (an appeal), names of parties, and such. That offers no real information about the nature of the claims made, their status, or the arguments advanced for or against them. It does not reflect what briefs or memorandum are in the court record, what other supporting documents are in the record. It really reveals nothing other than that there is a court case with that identification number and name (and the name does not necessarily reflect who the actual parties are that are still involved in the litigation).
For anyone interested in more information about the Galati challenge, the best source currently is still the published decision by Justice Rennie.
That decision
is linked here, and it includes an extensive description of the substantive claims raised in Galati's lawsuit.
As I previously
accurately noted, that challenge is actually a fairly narrowly drawn challenge. In particular, the challenge is that Section 8 in Bill C-24 was beyond the power or authority of Parliament to enact.
While Galati's original challenge ostensibly sought relief against the grant of Royal Assent, and named the Governor General as a party, again the
Strengthening Canadian Citizen Act has been granted (this is link to version granted Royal Assent) and
it is now in force.
As I noted, the viability of the requested relief against the Governor General's grant of Royal Assent was at best highly questionable to begin with. While Justice Rennie's decision is still in the appellate process, that decision (
again linked here) makes rather short work of the requested relief regarding the Governor General's grant of Royal Assent:
". . . the Governor General’s grant of royal assent is not justiciable . . ." (see paragraph 8 in the decision; the full explanation is in Part IV of the decision, paragraphs 32 to 60, which in essence simply explains the legislative function).
While the remainder of Rennie's decision itself goes into great depth ruling as to each of several issues relating to availability of review and the merits of the challenges, as to the issue regarding the Governor General's grant of Royal Assent, Justice Rennie's conclusion is not dependent on any one of his rulings on the substantive claims. And while I am no constitutional law scholar, this issue seems to be one of the easier ones to assess, the outcome rather obvious. As such, the claims against the Governor General were dismissed separately from Justice Rennie's rulings as to the substantive aspects of the challenge.
That is not to say that there can never be a proper case challenging a grant of Royal Assent; there might be where a challenge is based on specified impropriety in the procedure leading to a grant of Royal Assent, such as where there was not a proper vote on the Act in the Senate or a procedural flaw in the third reading process, or for that matter where the facts might show the Governor General was personally disqualified from the position and not a proper official to grant Royal Assent. But no such errors in process are involved or alleged in the Galati lawsuit.
Rather, the Galati lawsuit is structured, almost in its entirety, on the assertion that Section 8 in the
SCCA is invalid, its key provisions not within the power or authority of Parliament to enact.
Again, the entirety of Bill C-24 as enacted and granted Royal Assent, is
linked here. Section 8 in the
SCCA replaces the previous Section 10 in the
Citizenship Act (as it was prior to the coming into force of Section 8 in the
SCCA) with sections 10., 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, and 10.7 (as these are now part of the
Citizenship Act). Most of these deal with procedural matters, including hearings and the availability of appeal and appellate procedure.
But the focus of the Galati challenge is the proposition that Section 10.(2) in the
Citizenship Act (as amended by the
SCCA), which specifies grounds for revoking citizenship based on acts committed while the person is a citizen, exceeds the power or authority of Parliament (which if this proved true, would render much of sections 10.1 through 10.7 of no effect, except to the extent there are provisions still applicable to procedure in revoking citizenship for fraud or misrepresentation).
The reason I say the challenge is fairly narrowly drawn is that it is only challenging the validity of Section 8 in the
SCCA (which adds new version of section 10 plus sections 10. to 10.7 in the
Citizenship Act), and
no other provisions of Bill C-24. Moreover, the challenge really comes down to the argument that Parliament does not have the power to prescribe the revocation of citizenship for acts committed by a citizen while a citizen.
Justice Rennie, in effect, narrows the substantive focus even more, to the issue of whether there is an inalienable right to citizenship, or
Jus Soli. My sense is that Justice Rennie framed the argument in a way to support the decision he intended to make, rather than really addressing the substantive nature of what citizenship is, to what extent it is a right, and to what extent might Parliament take away citizenship otherwise lawfully obtained. That is, I think Justice Rennie's analysis is seriously flawed on the substantive issue. But that is not to say much about how it will be decided by either the Federal Court of Appeal or, if it goes so far, the Supreme Court of Canada.
My sense is that the government will seek to extend the stay already being sought pending legislative action to repeal specific provisions in the current
Citizenship Act, subsection 10.(2) and section 10.4 and
possibly other provisions in 10.1 through 10.7 which would only apply to 10.(2) grounds for revoking citizenship. But actually doing this could be at least a bit complicated. My guess is that the government will consent to not proceeding on any section 10.(2) grounds pending further legislative action, and seek suspension of the judicial challenges on that basis. Whether the challengers will agree with this, I do not know. Whether the courts will agree with this I do not know.
In the meantime, legislative action takes time. And while repealing "two-tier" citizenship is a priority, there are many other looming priorities as well. I do not know that this legislative action is a "high priority" in terms of timelines. I suspect the new government has other pressing matters which demand more urgent action, especially since the government can in effect just stop any proceedings based on the challenged provisions without having to repeal those provisions.
But nonetheless, the claimed raised against Royal Assent is more or less done, history, not really a matter in contention.
And the Galati challenge is a rather
narrow one, which will have
NO impact on the requirements for naturalization.
Suggestions to the contrary are unfounded.
Beyond restoring credit for time in Canada prior to landing (which may come relatively soon, as in within a year, but which may take considerably longer), suggestions that the Liberals will soon roll back the new requirements for naturalization are also unfounded.